Something we can call the Revolution has gutted the West — absconded with its treasure, destroyed its cultures and faith in God, enslaved it to sex and drugs, stolen democracy, replacing it with a dictatorship indifferent — and impervious — to individual needs, desires and strivings, and reduced us to the lowest common denominator.
It did so in the guise of “democracy,” with the powerful machinerey of the UN, the EU, the IMF, the New World Order, using such revolutionary terms as “diversity,” “peace,” “multiculturalism,” “world citizen,” “saving the planet,” and yes, even “capitalism” and at each step in the Revolution, warning of an emergency and reminding us that if we failed to accept the new measures, often billed as “temporary,” we could be in even more trouble. And yet, once these were irrevocably in place and we had the time to look back, some of us realized that these emergencies were mostly orchestrated by the Revolutionaries themselves.
The West bought into it and look at us now: heading towards bankruptcy, joblessness, inflation, with seemingly no end in sight.
Why didn’t we see it coming?
Because the enemy knew a valuable trick: He could make himself invisible and appear to be one of us. He could appear to care and be empathetic. He was not. He was in fact a machine with his humanity, his compassion and love, completely deleted.
No one could imagine such a thing. But his actions proved that this was so.
Olavo de Carvalho is the first person ever to have identified and defined the leftist revolutionary mentality in its minutiae. He did so by poring over the texts written by the Left itself over several centuries, starting with the Christian socialist heretics in the 13th century. In some ways, this intellectual accomplishment is comparable in its complexity to the discovery of the human genome. Although De Carvalho is active both here and in Latin America in helping keep freedom alive, speaking before various conservative foundations and institutes and bringing to light the misdeeds of tyrants, if this one lecture “The structure of the revolutionary mind,” were his only legacy, it would be more than sufficient to earn him a lasting place in our hearts and minds.
In defining the Left, de Carvalho by default also defines conservatism — as being all that is left over after the revolutionary part of our mind is removed. In other words, the human mind functioning on a common sense basis. The American founders were perhaps the best example of such a sound, non-revolutionary mind applied to social thought and government (despite the fact that we speak of the American “Revolution,” De Carvalho has demonstrated in this lecture that this was in fact not a revolution at all!).
Without a basic knowledge of our enemy and how he thinks, the West will absolutely never have the ability to fight back. Guaranteed. Because the Revolutionary is a chameleon who disguises himself as one of us until such time as he springs into action and attacks our culture, economy, soul and way of life. The political life form we refer to as the RINO is but one of myriad examples of such mimickry. Olavo de Carvalho has provided the night goggles to view the enemy at work, or if you will, the electron microscope with which to magnify his almost imperceptible machinations on the micro level. Study his document “The structure of the revolutionary mind.” It is an indispensable book in your political Bible.
This seminal work was reviewed at Laigle’s Forum several years back (a link to the full lecture is provided below).
The author recently has added some important details and has graciously agreed to share them at this site. This is its English-language premiere.
See the below article.
For those who have not read the first part of Olavo de Carvalho’s seminal work “Structure of the revolutionary mentality,” go to this site:
More About the Revolutionary Mentality
Olavo de Carvalho
Diário do Comércio (editorial) , 10 de outubro de 2007
As an addition to my August 16 article, here are some other traits that define the revolutionary mentality:
1. A revolutionary does not understand injustice and evil as factors inherent in the human condition that can be attenuated but not eliminated, but rather as temporary anomalies created by a segment of humanity—the bourgeoisie, the Jews, Christians, etc.—which can be identified and punished, thereby extirpating the root of evil.
2. The guilty segment of mankind spreads evil and sin by exercising a power—economic, political, military, and cultural. Hence, it must eliminated by means of a superior power, the revolutionary power, intentionally created to achieve this purpose.
3. Evil power dominates society as a whole, molding it after the image and likeness of its own interests, ends, and purposes. The eradication of evil must therefore take on the form of a radical restructuring of the entire social order. Nothing can remain untouched. The revolutionary power, like the Biblical God, “makes all things new.” There are no limits to the range and depth of revolutionary action. It can reach even the victims of a previous situation of oppression by accusing them of having become so used to evil that they have become its accomplices, thus requiring cathartic punishment to the same or greater extent than the old power elite.
4. Though brought about by a specific segment of the human race, evil has spread everywhere so thoroughly that it has become difficult to conceive of life without it. Therefore, the new society of order, justice, and peace can be imagined only in very broad outlines, so different will it be from everything that has existed thus far. Revolutionaries therefore have no obligation—not even the ability—to explain in plain details the plan for the new society, let alone to prove its viability or demonstrate, in terms of cost vs benefit, the advantages of the transformation. These are given as fundamental premises, so that the demand for proof is automatically assailed as a subterfuge for avoiding change and condemned ipso facto as an element to be eliminated. The revolution is its own foundation and cannot be questioned from the outside.
5. Though known only as a very general vague image, the future society puts itself above all human judgment and becomes in itself the fundamental premise of all values, all judgment, all reasoning. An immediate consequence of this is that the future, which cannot be conceived of rationally, can be known only via its image in the current revolutionary action, which in its turn, for this very reason, removes itself from all human judgment, except from that of revolutionary leaders who incarnate and personify that action. But even these people may represent it imperfectly, by virtue of their being children of the old society and carry within themselves, at least partially, the germs of the ancient evil. The prophetic and intellectual authority of revolutionary leaders is therefore provisional and only lasts as long as they have the material power to secure it. The capacity of leader of nations towards a blessed future is therefore uncertain and revocable, depending on the irregularities of the revolutionary pathway. The crimes and mistakes of a fallen leader, not imputable to the future society, nor to the revolutionary process as such, nor to the revolutionary movement as a whole, can therefore only be explained as a residual effect of the condemned past: a revolutionary, by definition, sins only by not being sufficiently revolutionary.
Translated from the Portuguese by Alessandro Cota, reviewed by Don Hank.